---
category: literaturenote
citekey: stjernborgruralmobilitylaterlife2024
title: Rural mobility in later life; counteracting accessibility poverty with digital service solutions
authors: "Stjernborg, Vanessa; Lopez Svensson, Gustav"
year: 2024
date: 2024-01-01 2024-01-01
doi: 10.1016/j.trd.2023.104030
publication: "Transportation Research Part D: Transport and Environment"
url: "https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S1361920923004273"
zotero_key: BETCYPD5
zotero_storage: Q9NQD5N7
collections: imporditud
folder: 001_artiklid
firstAuthor: "Stjernborg, Vanessa"
status: converted
---
![](_page_0_Picture_1.jpeg)

Contents lists available at [ScienceDirect](www.sciencedirect.com/science/journal/13619209)

## Transportation Research Part D

journal homepage: [www.elsevier.com/locate/trd](https://www.elsevier.com/locate/trd)

![](_page_0_Picture_5.jpeg)

# Rural mobility in later life; counteracting accessibility poverty with digital service solutions

![](_page_0_Picture_7.jpeg)

Vanessa Stjernborg a,b,\* , Gustav Lopez Svensson a,b

- <sup>a</sup> *Lund University, Department of Technology and Society, Box 117, 221 00 Lund, Sweden*
- <sup>b</sup> *K2 The Swedish Knowledge Centre for Public Transport, Bruksgatan 8, 222 36 Lund, Sweden*

## ARTICLE INFO

#### *Keywords:* Social cohesion Social justice Digitalisation Transport Proximity Social inclusion

#### ABSTRACT

Norrbotten region is one of the most sparsely populated areas in Europe, with often long distances to services. This paper aims to gain a deeper understanding of the everyday mobilities in later life in rural areas, and to assess to what extent digital service solutions (DiSS) can contribute to reduced accessibility poverty. The study focuses on how DiSS contribute to more equitable accessibility by means of a case study in two villages, selected due to implemented DiSS (store with digital locks, digital hubs, etc.). Interviews with older people and other informants show the potential of DiSS to counteract accessibility poverty by bringing services nearer to home and reducing the need for longer trips, while contributing to the creation of healthier and more resilient environments. If implemented carefully, DiSS can have the potential to contribute to the development of more transport-efficient and socially just societies.

#### **1. Introduction**

Many parts of Europe face a demographic challenge in the form of ageing populations, which mean that people live longer, together with declining fertility rates (Aug`[ere-Granier and McEldowney, 2020\)](#page-11-0). At the same time, urbanisation has meant that increasing numbers of people are living in the growing metropolitan regions, commuter communities, and rural areas close to urban areas [\(Hedlund, 2017\)](#page-12-0). Sparsely populated areas and smaller communities outside the commuter routes have become increasingly empty, with a larger proportion of the remaining population being older. Many younger people are moving from rural areas to cities, in search of education and job opportunities [\(Rouzet et al., 2019](#page-12-0)). Research points to how ageing in rural areas can mean different (and sometimes larger) challenges than ageing in urban contexts. Despite this, the research area is relatively unexplored and much of the research on ageing focuses on the urban context, rather than the rural (e.g., [Shirgaokar et al., 2020; Hagan, 2019; Berg, 2017;](#page-13-0) [Schwanen and P](#page-13-0)´ aez, 2010).

Furthermore, the smaller population base in rural areas, especially of people of working age, may result in a reduction in services as the population declines. This may affect the supply of public transport, health facilities, grocery stores and more, with the risk of reinforcing the social isolation of the countryside [\(Håkansson and Bohman, 2019](#page-12-0)). Also, several studies point to the fact that public transport provisions are often already lower in rural areas [\(Verma and Taegen, 2019; Choi et al., 2019; Shirgaokar et al., 2020; Averill,](#page-13-0) [2012\)](#page-13-0) and that rural car dependency is generally high [\(Mattioli, 2021](#page-12-0)), also among older people [\(Hansen et al., 2020\)](#page-12-0). These issues can be related to the concept of social justice. Social justice can be referred to as "the objective of creating a fair and equal society in which

*E-mail address:* [vanessa.stjernborg@tft.lth.se](mailto:vanessa.stjernborg@tft.lth.se) (V. Stjernborg).

<sup>\*</sup> Corresponding author.

each individual matters, their rights are recognised and protected, and decisions are made in ways that are fair and honest" ([Oxford](#page-12-0) [Reference, 2022](#page-12-0)). Social justice for rural populations ([international Labour Organization \(ILO\), 2023\)](#page-12-0), sometimes also referred to as rural justice ([Herzog, 2023\)](#page-12-0), is often discussed in terms of, among other things, the rising deprivation regarding access to health, education, and a decent standard of living. There is also a major concern of the increasing inequalities between urban and rural areas and about the substantial impact this has on our societies ([international Labour Organization \(ILO\), 2023](#page-12-0)).

The EU Territorial Agenda 2030 is a strategic framework document, which was implemented in early December 2020. The agenda builds on the EU cohesion policy and other European policies. The agenda highlights the issue of increasing demographic and societal imbalances and stresses the urgent need for action in several fields – "for a future for all places". This is to improve, among other things, the prerequisites for quality of life, well-being, freedom of movement, access to quality public services, and to create healthy and resilient built environments ([European Union, 2020a, 2020b\)](#page-12-0). Further, digitalisation, and what the Territorial Agenda 2030 refers to as the fourth industrial revolution, has had a major impact on our societies as well. However, older people and people living in remote rural areas "are often at risk of being excluded from digital transformation processes" (p. 10).

Additionally, and due to climate change and the need to reduce fossil fuel emissions, there is an ongoing focus on how we can accelerate the shift to more sustainable and transport-efficient societies (and to reduce the use of the private car) (e.g., [Kuss and](#page-12-0) [Nicholas, 2022; Witzell, 2020; Banister, 2008\)](#page-12-0). The transport sector accounted for 37 percent of the CO2 emissions from end-use sectors in 2021 ([International Energy Agency, 2022\)](#page-12-0), and the [IPCC Sixth Assessment Report \(2023\)](#page-13-0) stresses the urgency of global action to reduce emissions of greenhouse gases. In the process of developing more resource-efficient societies and to reduce the emissions of greenhouse gases from the transport sector, there is an increasing focus on different more transport-efficient solutions. Besides solutions such as Mobility as a Service (MaaS) (e.g., [Narayanan and Antoniou, 2023\)](#page-12-0), micromobility (e.g., [Oeschger et al.,](#page-12-0) [2023\)](#page-12-0) or on-demand transport solutions (e.g., [Hantson et al., 2023](#page-12-0)) a focus has also emerged based on digital service solutions in people's local area, offering the potential to replace longer distance travel (for example by the private car) with shorter trips, preferably by more sustainable modes of transport. We here refer to such solutions as Digital Service Solutions (DiSS).

DiSS are here defined as solutions based on digital technologies which enable the employment of higher levels of service in different contexts, closer to meaningful places in everyday life such as the home or work. This in line with the sustainable mobility approach and the call for "actions to reduce the need to travel (less trips), to encourage modal shift, to reduce trip lengths and to encourage greater efficiency in the transport system" [\(Banister, 2008:75\)](#page-12-0). Several pilots have been carried out in northern Sweden through rural living labs, including various DiSS, for example initiatives such as digital locks at a local grocery store (see further [Habibipour et al., 2021](#page-12-0)). Such solutions offer the potential to benefit rural areas in different ways but might also create challenges, unless different conditions and groups are considered. Research, however, argues that there is often a lack of evaluation and follow-up of different initiatives and solutions that have been conducted in different contexts ([Stjernborg and Nilsson, 2018; Berg, 2017](#page-13-0)).

In the rapid digital transition, it is also essential to "leave nobody behind" as expressed in the EU'[s Sustainable and Smart Mobility](#page-12-0) [Strategy \(2020b:2\)](#page-12-0). In another EU report, concerns are raised about whether older persons or disabled persons will benefit from new mobility solutions, often including elements of digital development (e.g., high reliance on smartphones) [\(Carvalho et al., 2020](#page-12-0)). What is referred to as digital exclusion, can affect the ability to travel, engage in activities and maintain social relationships ([Reneland-](#page-12-0)[Forsman, 2018\)](#page-12-0).

This paper aims to gain a deeper understanding of the everyday mobilities in later life in rural areas, and to assess to what extent DiSS can contribute to reduced accessibility poverty. We have a special focus on digitalisation and digital service solutions (DiSS). Two villages are in focus, located in Norrbotten County in northern Sweden, which were selected due to ongoing DiSS initiatives, such as a grocery store with digital door locks (open at all times), digital hubs, and digital post boxes. Interviews have been conducted with older people and other informants from the region and the two villages.

The paper starts by discussing the concept of transport poverty. Then, the case study context will be presented, followed by the method. The results are structured in two parts; first, findings from interviews with informants from the regional transport authority and other informants in connection to the villages will be presented, with the ambition of providing a deeper contextual understanding, followed by the findings from the interviews with older people. This is followed by a discussion and policy recommendations.

#### **2. Older people in rural areas and transport poverty**

Older people in rural areas can be seen as particularly vulnerable to transport poverty [\(Martiskainen et al., 2021\)](#page-12-0). It is therefore imperative to understand how this risk can be managed or averted for older people in such locations. By a systematic and narrative review of key papers, [Simcock et al. \(2021\),](#page-13-0) found that older people are one of the groups that are among the most vulnerable to both energy- and transport poverty. They concluded that "rural areas appear to be the spatial settings that have the greatest overlap in vulnerability" and their results indicated that the most vulnerable groups are those "that face a combination of multiple sociodemographic disadvantages alongside relative spatial peripheralisation" ([Simcock et al., 2021:1](#page-13-0)).

However, a systematic literature review that aimed to investigate transport poverty with a special focus on sustainability, in order to identify further research needs, found that only one of 221 articles reviewed focused on transport poverty and older people (P´[erez-](#page-12-0)Pena ˜ [et al., 2021\)](#page-12-0). This indicates a research gap where older people have not been adequately considered as a particularly vulnerable group regarding transport poverty. At the same time, access to transport is regarded as vital in order to gain access to services and for everyday activities (e.g., [Stjernborg and Mattisson, 2016](#page-13-0)) as well as for well-being [\(Chihuri et al., 2016, Musselwhite and Shergold,](#page-12-0) [2013\)](#page-12-0), socialisation ([Hagan, 2019; Goins et al., 2005](#page-12-0)) and independence [\(Schwanen et al., 2012](#page-13-0)).

Transport poverty is a relatively new concept that is increasingly used both in policy and research (e.g., [Alonso-Epelde et al., 2023;](#page-11-0) [Kiss, 2022; Lucas et al., 2016\)](#page-11-0). The concept can be seen as multi-dimensional and there is still no agreed definition ([Verhorst et al.,](#page-13-0) <span id="page-2-0"></span>[2023\)](#page-13-0). The concept "is generally used to describe situations when people do not have access to essential services or work because of a lack of affordable or available transport options" ([Kiss, 2022\)](#page-12-0). Further, transport poverty is an overarching concept that encompasses the variety of ways in which individuals can be denied the opportunity to move across space, depending on different conditions (e.g., financial or geographical) and differing individual capacities.

Different forms of transport poverty might also have different consequences, such as a lack of transport availability or a lack of nearby services leading to forced car ownership (see [Curl et al., 2018; Mattioli, 2017; Currie and Senbergs, 2007\)](#page-12-0) which is particularly relevant in a rural context. Transport poverty is therefore closely related to, and impacted by, other forms of vulnerability.

Furthermore, obstacles in everyday life involve a variety of impediments, including transport-related obstacles, which at worst can lead to social exclusion and social isolation. It can take several different forms, including but not limited to: not being able to afford

![](_page_2_Figure_5.jpeg)

**Fig. 1.** Norrbotten county, Pajala and Arvidsjaur municipality.

transport, not having access to transport, transport not being available, and transport being very time-consuming ([Kiss, 2022](#page-12-0)).

## *2.1. Transport poverty; four different notions*

[Lucas et al. \(2016\)](#page-12-0) describes the field of transport poverty as containing four different notions. *Mobility poverty* is used to describe a "systemic lack of (usually motorised) transport that generates difficulties in moving, often (but not always) connected to a lack of services and infrastructures" (p. 355). This form of poverty is often connected to the second aspect, *accessibility poverty*, which is used to describe the difficulty of reaching the location one needs to reach in a reasonable time, and at a reasonable cost. If an individual is suffering from mobility and accessibility poverty, they might also be affected by the third form, *affordability poverty*, where an individual can be limited in terms of transport due to transport being too expensive ([Lucas et al., 2016](#page-12-0)). Lastly, *exposure to transport externalities* includes second hand effects of transport, such as air pollution, exposure to transport unsafety resulting in road traffic casualties. This paper will mainly focus on accessibility poverty, as it connects to the provision of services and the distances needed to go (and the costs incurred) in order to satisfy basic needs.

To sum up, transport poverty does not simply mean that people lack options for transport, but rather that societal processes systematically shut people out of the transport system [\(Kiss, 2022; Lucas et al., 2016](#page-12-0)). One example of this is forced car dependence, where people are forced to own a car just to access basic services since public transport is lacking and distances to basic services are far [\(Mattioli, 2017](#page-12-0)). Studies have also shown that an increase in transport poverty often correlates with a decline in subjective well-being [\(Awaworyi Churchill and Smyth, 2019\)](#page-12-0). This indicates that transport poverty has consequences beyond the visible social and economic disadvantages it brings.

## **3. Case study – Norrbotten County in Sweden**

Sweden has undergone rapid demographic and structural change over the last centuries, and urbanisation and industrialisation have changed the geography of the country. At the start of the 19th century, 90 percent of the population lived in rural areas, and the society was distinctively agrarian. Today, the situation is reversed, where 85 percent of the population live in cities [\(SCB, 2015\)](#page-12-0).

Simultaneously, the country has also experienced an ageing population. Older sections of the population are also projected to grow, especially people aged 80 and over ([SCB, 2018](#page-12-0)). This is mainly due to the large amount of people born in the 1940s, but also due to increases in life expectancy, especially for older men (ibid). Every fifth person in Sweden were 65 years or older (year 2022), and the proportion varies greatly between different municipalities. In some municipalities, older people (65 years and older) account for almost 40 percent of the population [\(Boverket, 2022](#page-12-0)).

## *3.1. Norrbotten County*

Norrbotten is the northernmost region of Sweden (see [Fig. 1\)](#page-2-0) and is also the largest geographical region in the country (covers a fourth of the total surface area of the country but is home to only 2.5 percent of the total population). Norrbotten region is one of the most sparsely populated areas in Europe, which also means that the residents often have long distances to services and other destinations for daily activities.

Norrbotten County is described as unique in Sweden due to its large area as well as borders with both Finland and Norway. The region had about 250,000 residents at the end of the year 2021, which gives a population density of 2.6 residents per km2 ([Regionfakta,](#page-12-0) [2022\)](#page-12-0). The region contains fourteen municipalities with the largest cities being Luleå with almost 50,000 residents, and Piteå with approximately 24,000 residents in 2020. The population is foremost concentrated along the coast in the southeast of the region. The number of vehicles registered per 1000 residents is higher than the national average (477), with 575 cars per 1000 inhabitants in 2022 (Ibid.), and the second highest in Sweden. The older population (65 years and older) constitutes almost 25 percent of the total population in the region (2022), which is higher than the national average (20.3 percent) (Ibid.). However, there are large demographic differences within the region, and the proportion of older people in the different municipalities varies (from 21.2 percent in the municipality with the lowest proportion of older people to 38.4 percent in the municipality with the highest proportion of older people) ([SCB, 2022](#page-12-0)).

According to planning documents for the region of Norrbotten, the region faces several challenges, including access to services and other necessities, particularly in the rural areas with low density ([Region Norrbotten, 2019](#page-12-0)).

#### *3.2. The two villages in focus for the study*

Two villages are in focus for the study, given the small contexts and the possibility of identifying interviewees, the names of the villages have been excluded in the paper. The villages were chosen due to the ongoing DiSS initiatives. The first village, V1, is located in the north of Pajala Municipality (see [Fig. 1\)](#page-2-0) (with about 6000 inhabitants in the whole municipality). In the municipality, 35.5 percent were 65 years and older year 2022. The village is located more than 100 km from the main town and close to the border with Finland. The second village, V2, is located in the north of Arvidsjaur Municipality (see [Fig. 1\)](#page-2-0) (with about 6000 inhabitants in the whole municipality). In the municipality, 28.1 percent were 65 years and older year 2022. The village is located in close proximity to a motorway. Regular public transport within the municipality is planned according to school schedules and as a result, public transport is mostly used by schoolchildren. The municipality acknowledges that it is virtually impossible to commute to work using public transport ([Region Norrbotten, 2017](#page-12-0)).

## *3.3. Digital Service Solutions (DiSS)*

The local university, together with the regional authority in Norrbotten, as well as the municipalities in the region, have launched a project called DigiBy, which is short for Digital Villages (in Swedish Digitala Byar). The project aims to test several pilots in rural Norrbotten in order to further knowledge of how digital solutions can provide services in rural areas.1

One of the pilots is the use of digital door locks to a grocery store, so people can access the store through digital verification of their identity through their smartphone (by using BankID, a Swedish online identification application). For customers who saw the new technology as too complicated, they offered an electronic tag in the form of a small badge that the customer can use instead of a smartphone to open the digital door lock and to be able to enter the store. This allows the store to be accessible without any regular personnel present. Since all the previous stores in the village had shut down, the pilot was used to test digital solutions as a way to lower costs and provide the residents with a more local service. This way a store can be located in a rural area for a smaller cost than a traditional store. Similarly, one pilot is testing digital locks for package deliveries, where a package is left in a locker box which can then be unlocked by the person who ordered the package. While the package service had always been available during regular store hours, this solution meant that people could pick up their package at any time of the day or night. Another pilot aims to provide up-todate information on services through a digital screen located in some villages. Municipalities are then able to disseminate information faster and more cost-effectively update service and other relevant information to the village. Yet another pilot has tested a digital hub, where people can rent spaces for remote work. The different pilots were of importance for the present study and for the selection of villages in focus for the study, however, the present study is not a part of the project DigiBy.

The present study was funded by the Swedish Transport Administration, within a project aiming to follow up and evaluate mobility and service interventions implemented through previous initiatives in Sweden. This paper presents one of the sub-studies within the current project.

#### **4. Method**

This paper aims to qualitatively study the complexity of ageing in rural areas, with a particular focus on everyday mobility (and access to transport, individual capacities, and health) and experiences and reflections about digitalisation and DiSS. Interviews were conducted mostly during the autumn/winter of 2022 with older people. Other relevant informants were also interviewed to understand the geographical and social context of the region and the villages. The study was approved by the Swedish Ethical Review Authority (registration number 2022-03096-01).

The project involves a reference group with experts in areas such as rural/regional development (one senior expert from the national non-profit organisation Rural Sweden), transport planning (one senior expert from the Swedish government agency Transport Analysis), and economic and regional growth (one senior expert from the Swedish Agency for Economic and Regional Growth). These experts were personally asked to participate in the project because of their high level of expertise, and the group consisted of two men and one woman. Working meetings were initially held with the reference group to highlight the possibilities and challenges of rural areas and to provide a better understanding of the research context (in this case rural areas in Sweden). Several conversations were also held with researchers at the local university in region Norrbotten, to gain a better understanding of the context and to identify relevant research questions, cases to study and relevant informants. However, the selection of study cases was made by the principal researchers, and they were chosen due to factors such as originality and geographical context.

One interview was conducted with an informant from the regional transport authority, one with a store manager in V1, and a person involved in the village development in V2. The interviews were conducted digitally, and were recorded and transcribed verbatim. Other informants were asked for an interview, such as the representative for geriatric care, as well as a 'digital supervisor' who helped older people with technical difficulties, but neither would participate in an interview. Participating informants were also asked to suggest other relevant people to include in the study, however, the study contexts are limited in terms of actors and officials involved. For example, officials who work with transport issues often have a broad area of responsibility and the tasks are shared among few people. The informants did not suggest other people, and described themselves as rather alone in their roles. The informants were interviewed at an early stage of the project, in order to get information and background on the villages, as well as increasing the understanding of the context of the villages.

Older people were interviewed to understand the mobilities of older people in the villages, and if/how the DiSS had impacted their everyday mobilities. Older people have been identified through official directories. The age limit was set to the common retirement age in Sweden, 65 years or older. Interview requests were sent via regular mail to all older persons in each village (V1; 45 persons and V2; 94 persons, see [Table 1](#page-5-0)), asking them to participate in a telephone interview (due to the large geographical distances in the region) where they were asked to show their interest by returning the mail and adding their telephone number. The response rate was about 8 percent, which means eleven conducted interviews with older people (two from V1 and nine from V2). The telephone interviews ranged from 20 to 70 min each, where most interviews were around 45–50 min. They were recorded and transcribed verbatim.

Of the older people interviewed, four were women and seven were men. For most, the car was the primary means of transport (as all except one participant drove a car), and most were able to leave their home on their own. Most were between 70 and 74 years old and most also left their home daily. For an overview of the participants, see [Appendix A.](#page-11-0)

<sup>1</sup> See further <https://digiby.se/>.

<span id="page-5-0"></span>**Table 1**  Number of inhabitants, access to public transport and digital service solutions (DiSS) in the two villages.

|                       | Village 1 in Pajala Municipality              | Village 2 in Arvidsjaur Municipality              |
|-----------------------|-----------------------------------------------|---------------------------------------------------|
| Number of inhabitants | <100                                          | <200                                              |
| - Older people (65+)  | 45                                            | 94                                                |
| Public transport      | One bus once per week                         | One bus passing through, school bus to Arvidsjaur |
| Digital initiatives   | Digital hub, digital post box, digital screen | Store with digital lock, digital screen           |

Interviews have been used as a method to gain insight into the everyday life of the interviewees, in a way that could not be achieved by surveys or other more quantitative methods. Interviews can be better suited to understand the specific situation of a person, and to gain a better understanding of their own attitudes and experiences ([Descombe, 2018\)](#page-12-0). To achieve this, the interviews were semistructured, enabling the researcher to start from several pre-formulated themes but to also be vigilant for unexpected themes emerging in the interview (ibid). Both older people and other informants were interviewed in this manner, even if the interview guide differed. The interview guides for officials focused on the context of the case, possibilities and challenges, and future development. The interviews were more open in character and adjusted according to the informant's competence and experience.

The interview guide for the interviews with the older people was constructed with both multiple-choice answers as well as broader, open questions to allow for the free expression of the respondents, while still focusing the interview on the relevant subjects. The first part concerned background factors such as age, living conditions and gender. The second part concerned mobility habits and included questions of activities undertaken, choice and access to travel modes. Following this, the theme health covered questions of hinders to mobility. The theme everyday mobility and preconditions for an active everyday life included questions of surrounding geography and descriptions of typical everyday life. Finally, the theme digitalisation and DiSS covered overall experience with digital technology as well as attitudes toward the present digital solutions and possible future solutions.

The interviews were repeatedly read and analysed thematically [\(Braun and Clarke, 2006\)](#page-12-0) using NVivo as a tool to manually work with the empirical material. Identified themes were activities in daily life (with subthemes such as possibilities for outdoor mobility, reflections about potential driving cessation and access to public transport), digitalisation, and attitudes to DiSS (with subthemes such as community engagement and general reflections on digitalisation). The structured questions have been compiled in [Appendix A](#page-11-0), showing a description of the older respondents, travel habits and main mode of transport.

## **5. Results**

#### *5.1. The regional context of Norrbotten*

The regional transport informant describes a sparsely populated region, in some cases, it can be more than 150 km to the nearest services, the informant explains, while public transport has been severely cut in the whole region. Some municipalities have no local access to public transport at all. For many older people that are staying in small villages without access to services, the car is explained to be necessary for managing basic needs in everyday life such as buying groceries or visiting health facilities.

The informant describes a reality where tax revenue is constantly prioritised, and it is sometimes a challenge to attract political interest to transport-related issues, as well as there being a lack of collaboration between different stakeholders (and between the region and the municipalities). The image of a depopulating region is also increasingly emerging, particularly in the hinterland, since many residents tend to move closer to the coastal area, the informant explains. Some municipalities have reduced their population by half or two thirds over the last decades and the informant states that in some areas the 'bottom' has been reached, where the next step is total decommissioning of the village. The region is, however, described as having a good labour market in industry and mining, for example, but the challenge is to attract people of working age.

Additionally, the informant is hesitant to restrict the use of the car in the region, and argues that this might negatively impact the desire to live in this type of geographical landscape. Public transport is explained to be a too expensive option in many of these locations and not always seen to be a more sustainable solution than the private car, especially if the vehicles are running without any passengers. The ongoing regional development work is explained as mostly focusing on how to coordinate transport more efficiently. Examples are given of homecare vehicles and other official vehicles and the potential to use them more efficiently. There is also ongoing cooperation with the local university to explore new solutions, such as the creation of a digital platform aiming to act as a collaborative hub for the transport of people and goods with the help of artificial intelligence (AI).2

#### *5.2. The local context of village 1 (V1) in Pajala Municipality*

The local informant from one of the two villages describes in the same way a village that has gradually declined in services and population. A village that once had several shops, a bakery, a school, medical care, a dentist, and so on, a village that was "meaningful for the local community" as the informant expresses it. The village was served by a bus until around six to seven years ago (one trip in the morning, with a return trip in the evening). The only way to travel by public transport nowadays is, according to the informant, by

<sup>2</sup> See further What is Predictive Movement?

pre-booking a trip with the school bus, which is possible once a week.

The village is located close to the border to Finland (see [Fig. 1\)](#page-2-0) and the informant explains how people in the village regularly use services and medical care on the Finnish side, since it is oftentimes nearer. The housing prices are explained to be lower on the Swedish side than on the Finnish side. One of the major challenges is, according to the informant, that although many residents have migrated to other parts of the country, they have kept their houses in the village, using them only for recreational purposes at certain times of the year, leading to the houses falling into disrepair. The informant expresses frustration and explains how this contributes to "killing the villages".

Centralisation of services is highlighted as another challenge. Services are increasingly located in a central point of the municipality, which can thereby mean that services are much further away, especially in rural areas and for smaller villages. The informant directs criticism towards a lack of municipal support, while describing substantial voluntary work in the village to support older people, such as digital/technical guidance for using computers, printing documents, etc.

A local rural store is described as the village's only current service point. In addition to the sale of groceries, the local shop also acts as a service hub for deliveries of packages, products from the government-owned chain of wine and spirit shops, the pharmacy, among other things. The informant talks about several ongoing projects in the village by a village association, made up of eight villages. The village association has created a meeting place in the area since the municipality has sold off all their buildings, according to the informant. With the centralisation of services, most local meeting points, such as e.g., the post office, were closed down and privatised, leaving less room for social participation. The informant describes how the "meeting place" houses activities such as needlework, and that many people visit it, as for over two decades there was nowhere in the village to meet.

The "meeting place" includes a corner for exercise and weightlifting, and a "book station" for borrowing books (in cooperation with the municipal library). There is also a "digital hub" with two working places that are free to use (the municipality assisted with computers and technical equipment). In connection with the hub, there is accommodation for out-of-town visitors to rent. The initiatives are described as rather new (from around 2019) and appreciated, especially by relatives of people in the villages who use the working places or the accommodation when visiting family and friends. This is also described as being a solution that, as it allows remote working, enables children and grandchildren to more often visit older people in the village.

There is also an ongoing initiative with packages delivered to locker boxes, described as less used by older people since they tend to be more flexible as regards time (being able to visit the service point during normal working hours). The village has no access to broadband but is, nevertheless, described as having adequate Internet access.

## *5.3. The local context of village 2 (V2) in Arvidsjaur Municipality*

The informant describes the village as a vital village nowadays. However, it has not always been like that, the informant explains and relates how the development work started four to five years ago. The informant tells of earlier frustration in the village, with the residents constantly complaining about politicians' priorities. They also expressed feelings of being overlooked in relation to services, leading to "many angry letters to the local newspaper" as the informant explains.

In order to reverse the negative trend, some people were the driving force in the attempt to change the negative focus and instead turn that negative energy into promoting development. The initial work was carried out in smaller groups, resulting in the identification of the same issues; the need for a service point/community centre and a smaller grocery store/caf´e. A development plan for the village was jointly created. The process promoted village cohesion, the informant explains. Identified strengths of the village mostly concerned the nature and the potential for increased nature tourism, offering snow, forests and hiking trails, Northern Lights viewings, and more. They also identified strength in the quietness and peacefulness of the place, motivated by the possibility to provide good conditions for a higher quality of life. They talked about affordable houses and how many holiday-home owners move here after retirement.

However, among the challenges was that the village had lost all community services. The schools were closed down in 2013, the preschool in 2018, and the homecare team for older people stationed in the village was withdrawn a couple of years ago (and now located 35 km way, making it hard for older people to receive rapid assistance). Also identified was inadequate public transport and high car-dependence because of a lack of services and the lack of other alternatives for commuting to work or to other activities in daily life. They highlighted that more and more properties are being bought as holiday-homes and are used to a limited extent meaning that some are falling into disrepair. The informant also describes a challenge in attracting younger residents to move to the village on a more permanent basis.

The development work resulted in, among other things, the launch of a store within the village with a digital lock, available 24/7. The store has now been operating for two years and also acts as a service point for the pharmacy, Systembolaget (Swedish state alcohol monopoly), and parcel delivery. Further, the residents can make their orders online and then pick up their goods at the service point. The informant describes early resistance in the village in relation to the digital door locks, especially among older people. The resistance was about being "old" and that they felt that they "will never be able to use" the digital technique, the informant explains. Some believed it was, according to the informant, "the worst project ever undertaken" in the village. However, after the implementation and testing, the criticism was reversed, the informant explains, and many thought it was quite easy to use. Those people who still believed the digital lock to be complicated to use, were offered an electronic tag which makes it possible to open the lock manually. Most people who signed up for this option were older people.

Engaged volunteers distributed a questionnaire to collect opinions about the store after it had been in use for a while; some older people had then expressed how the initiative "develops us older people" and that the initiative also contributes to "the feeling of freedom", and "being able to shop whenever you want", as the informant explains it. The informant describes positive feedback from residents, one older man had for example described how the solutions facilitate daily life and reduce the need to travel by car, which also included a cost-saving dimension for him. In the same building as the store, there is a restaurant/caf´e, offering daily lunch, which was described as appreciated especially among the older people. The second nearest shop (besides the store in the village with digital door locks) is located 45 km away (one-way).

Additionally, the informant talked about how it was important that older people in particular were included in new opportunities arising from digitalisation, drawing on examples of how such things as hunting or picking berries constitute a large part of the residents' lives. The informant describes a general sadness among older people if they can no longer participate in, for example, hunting, and believes in the potential of digital technology to allow older people to follow it remotely. The informant explains that fibre connection is underway, but at the same time talks about other villages in the region with limited access to broadband.

## *5.4. Older people, the local vicinity, outdoor mobility, and activities in daily life*

Overall, most of the respondents described themselves as being in good health, with no major challenges in leaving the home, and they all seemed quite satisfied with their health (see [Appendix A\)](#page-11-0). They all described their local neighbourhoods as being sparse. Some of them live in the centre of the village, while others live on the outskirts of the village. They all describe surroundings rich in nature, with forests, lakes, and mountains. Further, apart from one interviewed person who lives in a more remote location, all of them have neighbours nearby, within at least a couple of hundred metres. In general, they describe large areas, a low density, and limited access to services. Several also mention involvement in hunting associations, snow scooter associations, preservation societies for fishing, and more. What all the respondents seem to have in common is a great interest in nature.

Most of the respondents mention clearing snow as a daily activity, which probably coincides with the time of the year the interviews were conducted, during the late autumn/winter. Other activities they mention are knitting together in the local caf´e/meeting place or visiting neighbours and friends that live nearby. All the respondents seem rather active and leave home at least once per week/a couple of times per week (see [Appendix A](#page-11-0)). Some of them have a dog, which they take for a walk a couple of times per day. Others talk about daily walks in their village or around their home. When it comes to leaving the home area this, however, happens on a more irregular basis. One woman describes how she meets with a group of about ten women every week in the nearby city. Another respondent describes how he drives to the nearby city once a week to buy groceries. Others describe how they leave the home area maybe once per month or once every other month. Activities mentioned include buying groceries or social activities such as meeting children and other relatives or friends.

All respondents have a driver's license and access to a car in the household, however, there are variations in the use of the car. One woman explains how she prefers not to drive during the winter, as she has become afraid of driving in the snow and her husband drives if they need to run any errands outside their village. Only one of the respondents has stopped driving and states that it has impacted her life negatively. She is often dependent on friends and family for transport. She explains that she does not want to burden people too much when asking for a lift. The same person is the only person among the respondents that is eligible for special transport services. However, although it is subsidised she still has to pay to use it, and therefore, as she explains, she uses it sparingly.

## *5.5. "As long as I can drive, I'm free"; satisfaction with possibilities for outdoor mobility and the limited access to public transport*

Most of the respondents are satisfied with their ability to leave home, several describe the car as the reason for being satisfied and several relate the car to feelings of freedom. One respondent describes it to be impossible to live in the village without a car and relates it to isolation;

…*you are completely isolated […] if we can't use the car, then it's impossible to live here (IP3).* 

The same person talks about how they have a flat in a nearby town in preparation for a day when perhaps they can no longer drive. However, several of the respondents expressed concern over rising fuel prices. One respondent for example talks about being forced to decide which social activities to prioritise, due to the higher costs of motoring, which in practice means meeting children and grandchildren less often, for example. One person expresses, in relation to the rising fuel prices, a frustration towards politicians and claims that there is an unequal situation in the country. The person describes a reality where services have gradually been cut, which means they now have a 70 km one-way journey to the nearest large grocery store and other necessary services. The respondent feels that there is a lack of understanding from politicians about what life can be like in the north of the country and explains a general frustration among people in the same situation. The one respondent who no longer drives, states that she feels trapped in the village and that she cannot do all the things she wants to do since she cannot drive her own car anymore.

They all describe a limited (or "bad" as some express it) public transport service. Although the respondents from V2 have the opportunity to take the school bus on a daily basis, they explain that it is difficult to fit their schedules to the times when the bus runs. Some also describe long distances to the nearest bus stop (more than 30 km in some cases) although others have a bus stop within a couple of hundred metres. Several also talk about long distances at the destination, which makes it hard to fit all errands into the time window available before the bus returns to the village.

Some say that they would probably use public transport more often if a better service were provided, while others believe that it would not matter much since they prefer what they explain as "the freedom" of the car. Some say that it is not economically viable to run the buses in such locations and argue that the buses mostly ran empty at the times they were available.

Several of the interviewed people state that they have not particularly thought about life without a car, in the event they would no longer be able to drive on their own. However, they go on to say that such a situation would be hard and difficult. One person gave the example of other people in the village, explaining how they were able to get homecare services from the municipality, meaning that they could remain living at home for many years. The person is worried about such a situation in his own life, and talks about it as something he would rather not think about, and explains the importance of maintaining health.

*Yes, so if the time comes when you can't drive[…] then you become quite handicapped. That's how it is… and I don't even want to think about that […] I aim to keep my body as healthy as possible (IP11)*.

Another person describes this as a situation forcing you to move. The same person mentions cuts in the homecare service, and that it might be both expensive and limiting to stay in the home with homecare service. A situation that might impact freedom of movement and the possibility to be able to decide where to go.

## *5.6. The older people, digitalisation, and attitudes toward digital service solutions (DiSS)*

Regarding digitisation in general, the respondents show mixed feelings and mention both possibilities and challenges with the digital development. Some of them mention a lack of interest, others believe that digitalisation has in some ways simplified everyday life by allowing online shopping (clothes, dog food, pharmacy, and more) and comparing prices, paying bills, and so on. Several also mention the possibilities to stay more up to date on daily news and the world situation. Some of them explain that the physical newspaper does not come more than a few times a week nowadays, which means that they have switched to digital news to be more informed. Several of them use social media and video calls, foremost for keeping in touch with children and grandchildren.

However, two of the respondents say they do not use the Internet at all, the same people are also the oldest of the respondents, and they both show a lack of interest. They do, however, have access to mobile phones, but only use them to make calls. Two of the men say that it is mainly their partners who deal with payments and suchlike on the Internet, and that their interest in the online world is rather limited. One of the interviewed women is of the opinion that women may find it easier to adopt new technologies and describes how many women in the village have been the driving force behind various digital solutions.

*I think we [women] are less afraid of technology than men are… (IP1)* 

Some of them also discuss the challenges of digitalisation. One refers to the vulnerability of digital solutions and mentions the sometimes inadequate Internet connection. One respondent describes personal contact, for example with healthcare, the library, or others, as important and expresses concern that opportunities for this type of contact will gradually diminish. For one respondent, who does not use the Internet, the digitalisation of society seems to lead to feelings of vulnerability and a concern about what to do if something goes wrong, as it can be difficult to know what to do without personal service.

Two of the respondents talk about age structures and the challenges many other older people may face, even if they themselves do not face any major challenges in everyday life. One of them describes how he talks to many older people who are experiencing major challenges with digitalisation. However, the other person believes that the people in the village have generally become good at embracing the digital and mentions the electronic tags and the use of BankID (Swedish online identification application) to access the local store.

## *5.7. "Don't have to go anywhere…"; community engagement and the digital store*

As a result of the services gradually being downgraded, a local commitment emerged. During the interviews this was explained as being the foundation for the ongoing DiSS initiatives in the villages. For example, a local society purchased several buildings in one of the villages and, with help from volunteers, refurbished them. They successfully applied for various types of funding to help with the refurbishment. A former school was also taken over by this association from the municipality, and is now a venue for a variety of cultural events. The most recent event, at the time of the interview, was said to have attracted almost one hundred villagers, both longstanding residents and people who had recently moved in. These events are described as being greatly appreciated and enjoyed by the villagers.

Another initiative in the same village is the store with digital locks that makes it accessible 24/7. All respondents describe this initiative in a positive way. As elaborated before, the store also acts as a focal point for other services, and further, includes a caf´e. However, one respondent explains that generally;

*Old people in the village were quite scared at first, they didn't know how to shop, some hardly had bank cards and suchlike (IP11)* 

The same respondent refers at the same time to how this type of digital solution requires a smartphone, something that not everyone has. He continues by further explaining how those responsible for the store solved this issue by instead offering a personal electronic tag to use with the digital lock. "It takes just five seconds to click it" he says. He highlights the store as being a good solution, especially for older people in the village.

*So, all old people in the village… because there are a lot of them… have got this opportunity that they can shop locally… they don't have to go anywhere…. (IP11)* 

With the gradual disappearance of other service solutions over the years (such as staffed stores), the unstaffed shop seems to offer the possibility of a more positive development in the village, and some respondents refer to the village as more lively nowadays. Something that has also resulted in a more optimistic view of the village, both among villagers and among people outside the village, and had led to more people moving to the village recently. Another respondent describes the digital store as a;

*"…lift for the village [and something the locals] worked like hell to get" (IP8)* 

The respondent describes herself as a regular customer at the store, but at the same time highlights a more social dimension of the initiative. She explains it as a place to meet and it is for this purpose that she visits it every week, to socialise with others and to do handicrafts. Another respondent describes how the initiative has strengthened optimism about the future of the village.

All respondents in V2 say that they are regular customers at the store, but one of the respondents explains that she visits the store when it is sometimes staffed, to get some assistance, she also describes the staff as friendly. This indicates that there seems to be a social dimension here as well, with getting a face-to-face service. Some respondents seem to do most of their shopping in the store, while others refer to a 50–50 split, with the other part in the closest city. Several describe the importance of supporting the store, so it can remain in the village.

Overall, the respondents describe themselves as positive about digitalisation in various ways, and several of them highlight how digitalisation can be of great importance for the development of more sparsely populated areas, where there may not be a financial basis for a fully-staffed business. This, not least in relation to opportunities for e-commerce and delivery of goods, as well as DiSS such as the store with digital locks and digital hubs. One respondent says that digital service solutions are absolutely vital for the future existence of the villages "…technology is a way for us to survive" (IP2).

The same respondent talks about e-commerce and package delivery and explains it in terms of being revolutionary, and that the access to such solutions has not been taken for granted within the given context. The respondent also explains that it has been under discussion to have a place where officials can occasionally work, to be closer to the residents. Other solutions such as e-health solutions have also been under discussion. All solutions for the same purpose; "…to avoid having to travel" (IP2).

However, several respondents also express concern over the personalised services that are increasingly disappearing in society. They mention the perceived difficulty of calling and receiving personal service in different situations, such as contacting health services for instance. One respondent describes how the human interaction and the possibility to talk with another person is important to her. Another respondent describes the digital development as increasingly challenging for older people.

*…there are so many older people who have, well… it's a huge problem just to call an authority. […] you have to be able to identify yourself via BankID and there are apps and it's, well, it's, it's so incredibly complicated, people are like, a bit scared (IP6)*.

The same person says that many of the older people around him do not have access to a smartphone, as they experience a smartphone to be too complicated.

#### **6. Discussion**

This paper aims to gain a deeper understanding of the everyday mobilities in later life in rural areas, and to assess to what extent digital service solutions (DiSS) can contribute to reduced accessibility poverty, i.e., to reach the location one needs to reach in a reasonable time, and at a reasonable cost. Major challenges were highlighted in the study context, related to such things as demographic change, an ageing population, access to services and the prerequisites for quality of life and health, and forced rural car dependence (in the absence of other transport options). A contextual reality was portrayed where services has been gradually cut, which means long distances to the nearest grocery store and other necessary services. Increased fuel prices also challenge the possibilities to reach these services at a reasonable cost by the private car, and as public transport was limited or non-existent, it was not a viable option. All in all, this leads to an increased risk of exposure to accessibility poverty (for a conceptual discussion see [Lucas et al.,](#page-12-0) [2016\)](#page-12-0).

DiSS is here defined as solutions based on digital technologies, which enable the employment of higher levels of service in different contexts, closer to meaningful places in everyday life such as the home or work. Two villages were selected due to ongoing DiSS initiatives (for example a grocery store with digital locks (open around-the-clock), digital hubs, and parcel delivery lockers). DiSS could be a viable solution to mitigate and counteract accessibility poverty in rural areas (by improving the possibilities to reach services in a reasonable time, and at a reasonable cost).

The results further indicate that DiSS can possibly reduce the need of long-distance private car journeys by bringing service solutions closer to home. This would play an important part in the work of making societies more transport-efficient, and also in reducing greenhouse gas emissions. This can also be related to the emerging field of critical transport studies that questions notions about the sustainable mobility discourse which often relates to ideas of mobility in combination with growth (for a deeper discussion see [Isaksson, 2023\)](#page-12-0). [Banister \(2008\)](#page-12-0) concluded over a decade ago that policies should prioritise solutions that reduce the use of transport modes with a high climate impact, such as the use of the private car. Additionally, this necessitates a reduction of distances and a reduction of physical separation of activities, which would reduce the need to travel.

However, the car was still described as essential both from the regional perspective as well as from the older people themselves. To work on measures to limit car use in such locations was expressed as "risky" and were regarded as something that could completely undermine interest in living there, since there are few other transport options. This can be related to the issue of forced car ownership [\(Mattioli, 2017](#page-12-0)) and transport poverty ([Lucas et al., 2016](#page-12-0)). At the same time, the car were described in relation to freedom (an issue also highlighted in other studies, see for example Stjernborg, Wretstrand & [Tesfahuney, 2015; Banister, 2008\)](#page-13-0) by the participants, and several participants describe public transport as a less sustainable solution in this type of location. Due to low population density and dispersed destinations, public transport can be expensive and difficult to employ. Rising fuel prices are, however, regarded as a major challenge for some, which again illustrates the vulnerability from an accessibility poverty perspective, which further risks negatively affecting the everyday mobility of older people in rural areas.

The results also indicate that DiSS, if implemented carefully and together with the local population, offer the potential to contribute to the creation of healthier, more socially just, and resilient communities in the rural context. DiSS can reduce the distance to services and has the potential to reduce the physical separation of activities (and consequently replace longer distance travel (for example by the private car) with shorter trips). These aspects are highlighted as important elements in the sustainable mobility paradigm [\(Banister,](#page-12-0) [2008\)](#page-12-0). DiSS can play an important role in providing more local services for older people, something that might become particularly important the day one is no longer able to drive a car. Especially since driving cessation among older people is often not adequately met by other forms of transport ([Hansen et al., 2020](#page-12-0)), and several studies point to a lack of transport options for older people without access to a car [\(Hansen et al., 2020; Shirgaokar et al., 2020; Choi et al., 2019\)](#page-12-0).

The spaces with digital services can also serve as a meeting place, which includes a social dimension, something that also seems to offer the possibility to counteract social isolation among older people in rural areas by creating a common gathering point in the village in close proximity to one's own home. The issue can be related to the work of [Shergold et al. \(2012\),](#page-13-0) who highlight the importance of community activity for quality of life for many older people, but at the same time identify rural car dependency as a barrier to such. The writers stress the importance of a greater emphasis in rural policy on promoting shorter journeys for social purposes, including walking, cycling, and other more sustainable modes of transport. This can also be related to the sustainable mobility paradigm, issues about modal shift, and for instance the promotion of walking and cycling [\(Banister, 2008](#page-12-0)). The research area is, however, relatively unexplored.

The service hubs were partly based on e-commerce (where you order digitally from a pharmacy, for example) and then pick the goods up at the service hub. The store with digital locks were based on a digital solution that replaces a large part of the workforce usually needed, allowing for a store in this type of context. Accessibility poverty is in this way counteracted by DiSS (by bridging long distances to service). The initial resistance to the new technology, particularly among the older residents, was in this case explained to be bridged by the support from involved stakeholders, training the older people in how to use the technology and the use of different strategies (such as the distribution of an electronic tag for those who considered the technology to be too complicated). Through small measures the initial resistance from some people was discouraged, and in some sense, contributed to an increased digital maturity among the older persons.

However, one of the limitations of this study is that the majority of older participants were rather active and had access to their own private car in daily life. Most participants also showed some kind of digital maturity. However, while the participants agreed that digital developments can benefit them in various ways, they also expressed concerns about older people who have not reached the same level of digital maturity. They also expressed a fear of a society where human interactions become less and less common, for example in contacts with authorities or healthcare. These are important issues for future research to consider, as well as it being important to further address different opportunities and challenges in rural areas. This with a deeper focus on residents' different preconditions for adapting to digitalisation and new solutions, both being rather unexplored research fields. So far, focus in research has mostly been on advanced and dense societies, rather than in the context of rural and more sparsely populated areas [\(Habibipour](#page-12-0) [et al., 2021; Velaga et al., 2012](#page-12-0)).

While the rapid growth of digital solutions offers many opportunities, there is a growing concern about increasing risks of an extended exclusion or digital divide [\(Reneland-Forsman, 2018](#page-12-0)). Research highlights that certain groups may be at higher risk of being excluded from digitalisation [\(Egard and Hansson, 2021, Liu et al., 2021, Mcdonough, 2016](#page-12-0)). Older people are considered among the most vulnerable groups, as many still do not use digital solutions ([Internetstiftelsen, 2022](#page-12-0)). There is also research suggesting that digitalisation and the use of new technologies may risk reinforcing socio-economic inequalities [\(Groth, 2019; Chourdrie et al., 2017;](#page-12-0) [Wolske et al., 2010\)](#page-12-0). For future research it would be relevant to look for differences or similarities between different contexts, and the role DiSS has in such contexts, as well as to further investigate whether DiSS has a significant impact on the travel behaviour and accessibility poverty compared to other villages/similar contexts (and with consideration to other factors such as income, housing, gender). Another issue to further study is the potential effects of DiSS for those with versus without the ability to drive.

Finally, the participants overall showed a great deal of optimism and positivity towards the DiSS implemented in this case and some described DiSS as a prerequisite for village survival. Similarly, other experiments with building on more innovative digital solutions in rural areas are underway. Examples include trials of drones for delivering medicine and collecting medical samples ([Region](#page-12-0) V¨ [asterbotten, 2019\)](#page-12-0). Other digital solutions were suggested in this study as having potential for older people in these types of locations, such as the possibility to follow the hunting season digitally when they no longer have the ability to follow it physically. There are also many ongoing initiatives with new solutions in different geographies (such as on demand transport, MaaS and/or DiSS or concerning the development of electrical vehicles). The call for evaluation and follow-up of different initiatives that have been conducted in different contexts [\(Stjernborg and Nilsson, 2018; Berg, 2017](#page-13-0)) is highly relevant, and an urgent issue to address for future research. Not least to combat injustice in transport and to develop more viable societies based on environmental and social sustainability.

#### **7. Policy recommendations**

For rural policy, we suggest the following policy responses to be considered for future planning. To counteract the reduction of services in rural areas, local initiatives must be supported and the conditions for these should be improved, this includes the dimension of both the physical and digital infrastructure. Possibilities of using active means of transport and proximity, should be advocated.

Furthermore, regional and municipal actors must increase their presence in rural locations, where even small efforts to provide services, such as smaller libraries, digital workspaces enabling distance working, or local healthcare seem to offer a high potential to lessen the social isolation, and to some extent, accessibility poverty among residents in these locations. As earlier research has pointed out, community activity is an important part of increasing the well-being of older people, and more emphasis needs to be placed on <span id="page-11-0"></span>promoting shorter journeys when taking part in social and daily activities. This also needs to be directed at car dependency in rural areas, by providing the possibility of using more sustainable forms of transport and supporting initiatives that enable the reduction of longer trips by car.

This development also requires an emphasis on supporting older people in adopting digital solutions for a more sustainable digital transition. Policy makers and other actors of digital projects must be conscious of people who do not yet know how to operate digital tools and ensure that no one gets left behind in the digital development. If this is implemented carefully, DiSS offers the potential to increase the access to service in rural areas and contribute to more active, resource-efficient, and socially just societies for all. However, one of the limitations of the study is, for example, the homogeneity of the participants and many issues remain for future research.

## **Funding**

This work was supported the Swedish Transport Administration [grant number TRV 2020/93095].

## **CRediT authorship contribution statement**

**Vanessa Stjernborg:** Conceptualization, Visualization, Supervision, Validation, Methodology, Project administration, Resources, Formal analysis, Writing – original draft, Writing – review & editing, Funding acquisition, Investigation. **Gustav Lopez Svensson:**  Data curation, Visualization, Validation, Investigation, Writing – original draft, Writing – review & editing, Resources.

#### **Declaration of Competing Interest**

The authors declare that they have no known competing financial interests or personal relationships that could have appeared to influence the work reported in this paper.

#### **Acknowledgements**

The authors would like to thank the Swedish Transport Administration for making this project possible by the funding and support. Our colleagues at Luleå University of Technology (Department of Computer Science, Electrical and Space Engineering and Department of Civil, Environmental and Natural Resources Engineering). The project reference group, for fruitful discussions about the rural context, the highlighting of opportunities and challenges, and for the help and support in finding relevant digital service solutions to study. Research assistant Emilia Donalds for the production of a map for the paper. The authors also wish to thank all the respondents who generously shared their time and experiences.

**Appendix A. . Description of the older respondents, travel habits and main mode of transport** 

| Interview<br>person | Village | Age<br>group | Gender | Leaving the<br>home           | Driver's<br>license | Access to a car in<br>the household | STS | Main mode of<br>transport             | Need help from<br>someone else to leave<br>the home |
|---------------------|---------|--------------|--------|-------------------------------|---------------------|-------------------------------------|-----|---------------------------------------|-----------------------------------------------------|
| IP 1                | V2      | 70–74        | F      | Daily                         | Yes                 | Yes                                 | No  | Car                                   | No                                                  |
| IP 2                | V2      | 70–74        | M      | A couple of<br>times per week | Yes                 | Yes                                 | No  | Car                                   | No                                                  |
| IP 3                | V2      | 70–74        | F      | A couple of<br>times per week | Yes                 | Yes                                 | No  | Car/car as a<br>passenger/<br>walking | No                                                  |
| IP 4                | V2      | 70–74        | F      | Daily                         | Yes                 | Yes                                 | No  | Car/walking                           | No                                                  |
| IP 5                | V2      | 70–74        | M      | Daily                         | Yes                 | Yes                                 | No  | Car/walking                           | No                                                  |
| IP 6                | V1      | 75–79        | M      | Daily                         | Yes                 | Yes                                 | No  | Car/walking                           | No                                                  |
| IP 7                | V1      | Over<br>90   | F      | Daily                         | Yes*                | Yes**                               | Yes | Walking/car as a<br>passenger         | Yes                                                 |
| IP 8                | V2      | 70–74        | M      | Daily                         | Yes                 | Yes                                 | No  | Car/walking                           | No                                                  |
| IP 9                | V2      | 75–79        | M      | Daily                         | Yes                 | Yes                                 | No  | Car/walking                           | No                                                  |
| IP 10               | V2      | 65–69        | M      | Daily                         | Yes                 | Yes                                 | No  | Car/walking                           | No                                                  |
| IP 11               | V2      | 85–89        | M      | Once per week                 | Yes                 | Yes                                 | No  | Car                                   | No                                                  |

\*Still has the driver's license, but do not drive anymore. \*\*Still has a car, but do not use it anymore.

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